Thus in they backed the proletariat, then between they went behind fascism, and now, after a significant period of major upheaval in , they are backing fascism again. The last battle of those two years of proletarian Internationalism would be fought out in Moscow, in a hand-to-hand combat against the encircling army of “socialism in one country”, and it is a battle which remains forever inscribed in indelible characters in a chapter destined to inspire future generations of the marxist vanguard. The organisational measures that should be adopted inside the party have been indicated in part. The assertion was a stimulus, a tonic, an element of unification in depth; above all, it denied that the movement was arbitrary, a cooked-up venture, and stressed its historical necessity. In he began to analyse the source of this obstruction, locating it in the Socialist Party parliamentarians and the trade union bureaucracy. The leaders of the Socialist Party, moreover, are situating themselves more and more clearly among the counter-revolutionary forces acting to preserve the capitalist order campaign for the intervention of American capital; de facto solidarity with the reformist union leaders.
The greatest economic concentration in the industrial field occurred in the post-war period. This factor of defeat is not identified and eliminated by posing the question of discipline to raise an obstacle to factions. There are two characteristic positions — on the antifascist struggle and the conception of the party — which we now find being stated openly, and which already give a premonition of the Stalinist counter-revolution and yet, irony of ironies, the document was written by those who would later become victims of Stalinism themselves. Faced with this dilemma, the “two spirits” which co-existed in the party and which had done so since its formation disagreed on both issues. Besides, in Italy the Left represents the exact Leninist conception of the problem of relations between trade unions and factory councils. Gramsci necessarily had to seem ambiguous on this point. If for certain of these the need for the split with the opportunists derived only from international relations for the abstentionists, who had expressly renounced their positions on the elections in favor of discipline, and for many other elements as well there existed a complete agreement between the theses of the International and the lessons of the political struggles they had conducted previously.
Gramsci / Togliatti: The italian situation and the tasks of the PCI ()
In the main leaders of the Left wing of the Communist Party of Italy were arrested and prevented from speaking out in that crucial year. The epilogue to the whole sorry affair is played out a few days later. The preparation of the masses, which leant towards supporting the Aventine thesia than wishing for its collapse, was in any case made worse when the party proposed to the opposition parties that they set up their own Anti-parliament.
The communist party therefore intervenes on lyobs terrain of civil war, as demonstrated by Lenin’s positions on the peasant and nationality questions, in the Kornilov episode and in a hundred others.
Gramsci versus Eurocommunism
In fact, a flood of factionism was not avoided in the international; disguised and hypocritical forms were encouraged instead. Thus, at every step of the way, International, Russian Revolution, Leninism and Bolshevism would be hurled at the Left by individuals who could be considered only parasites of that great gathering of forces.
Not only does the good party make the correct tactic, but the correct tactic also makes the good party, and the correct tactic can only be one of the ones that we have all understood and chosen in general outline. In he began to analyse the lyonns of this obstruction, locating it in the Socialist Party parliamentarians and the trade union bureaucracy. We have spoken elsewhere, from a historical and theoretical perspective, about the delusion of repressing fractionism from above.
Just when new massive strikes were breaking out, and in the confusion produced by this exchange of contradictory slogans, big capital, now determined to liquidate the failing campaign of “passive resistance” to the Ruhr occupation and ingratiate itself to the Entente – particularly England – placed Streseman in power.
This is not simply a wrong tactic, but openly in contradiction with gramssci principles of communism.
The lyon theses (1926)
In the period from tothe bourgeoisie boldly tackled the problem of organizing its own dictatorship, and resolved it through a series of political and economic measures which determined the subsequent history of Italy. Because they felt its articles were lyojs by the same spirit of inner grammsci that they experienced: The magnificent organ of theoretical and practical battle that had been the party of Red October was now divided by central problems of principle, not merely secondary ones.
So-called fascist legislation has no purpose other than to consolidate this system and make it permanent. When its delegates returned to Italy, it unanimously declined responsibility for the merger, which was entrusted to a Commission, while the left naturally retained its administrative functions. Vramsci discipline depends on its consciousness. The Return to Parliament in November and the thhesis issued by Repossi were beneficial, as the wave of proletarian consensus showed, but they came too late.
However, because of the prevailing social conditions in that country, the Russian revolution did not provide the general historical model hhesis tactics applicable to revolutions in other countries.
And soon the mixture of Sorelianism and Idealism a la Benedetto Croce, advocated by the Grasmci Nuovo current, would also be given the green light. The International’s practice and work are in contradiction with this revolutionary necessity. In the political field: The final court of appeal for all controversial questions is the central international organ, within which at least political if not hierarchical hegemony, is attributed to the Russian Communist Party.
Such a highly erroneous notion as this was the horrible fruit of two monumental deviations from Marxism. At this congress that barely touched on the Russian question, which was considered a taboo, the Lyohs dated to proclaim that the guarantee against falling into opportunism could not come from the Russian party alone, because the Russian party urgently needed us, because it sought from us the guarantee we asked it for in vain.
Moreover, Gramsci could not write openly about armed insurrection. Throughout this period he was insistent on the need for a revolutionary transformation of society through the overthrow of the capitalist state.
We can sum up the conclusions touched on in the preceding theses as the condemnation of both the workerist conception, and that of an elite of an intellectual and moral character. The fundamental ideas of the Leninist conception remain that the world struggle must be led by organs of the revolutionary proletariat, and that the class struggle in colonial areas as theeis as the formation and independent development of local communist parties, must be encouraged, and never held back or suffocated.
Such a party organization must be capable of placing itself above particular categories, thereby enabling it to draw together into a synthesis elements deriving from the various sections of proletarians, from amongst the peasantry, and from amongst deserters from the bourgeois class, etc, etc.
With the ending of the 1st World War inwhose raging apparition had dowsed the flames of class struggle, the years which followed would see the bourgeoisie trembling in terror before the revolutionary victory. The correct analysis is that the ruling class has several methods for ruling and defending itself, which can be reduced essentially to two: The building of full socialism extended to production and distribution, to industry and agriculture, is impossible in just one country, but the progressive development of the socialist elements in the Russian economy can nevertheless be achieved by thwarting the plans of the counter-revolutionaries; supported inside Russia by the rich peasants, new bourgeoisie and the petty-bourgeoisie, and outside the country by the imperialist powers.
THE conditions in which Gramsci lived and wrote imposed ggamsci built-in limitations to his thought. lyonz
The contrast involves a misrepresentation of the history of the Russian revolutionary movement. From this analysis of the factors of revolution and its perspectives, the tasks of the Communist Party can be deduced.